Report: Global Warming
Policy and Politics Of Global
Warming
Part
I: The Climate Contradiction
Part
II: The Jolly Book of Climate: Some of the Physics and Mathematics
Greenhouses
Don’t Work by the Greenhouse Effect
Part
III: The Heads-Tails Report
==============================
TAKEN BY STORM
The Troubled Science, Policy and Politics
Of Global Warming
A Briefing Sponsored by the
Cooler Heads Coalition
Senate Dirksen Building Room 403
Washington D.C.
February 27 2003
Prof. Christopher Essex
Department of Applied Mathematics
University of Western Ontario
London Ontario
and Visiting Professor, Ørsted
Laboratory
Niels Bohr Institute
Copenhagen, Denmark
Prof. Ross McKitrick
Department of Economics
University of Guelph
Guelph Ontario
Taken By Storm:
The Troubled Science, Policy and Politics
of Global Warming
About this time last year,
headlines around the world were announcing the amazing news that it is getting
colder in Antarctica. You probably heard about it. It was in all the papers,
not to mention on the BBC and major North American news outlets. It was a big
story because apparently some computer models of the climate had been
predicting it should be getting warmer at the South Pole. So why did that make
it a big news story? After all, about the same time some computer models
predicted Toronto would get a snowfall that never came. That didn’t make news
around the world. No one expects computer models of the weather to be that
certain. Yet people have come to believe that computer models of climate should
be so certain that a discrepancy between prediction and reality for a small
region of the planet is a worldwide news event.
The truth is we have even less
reason to expect certainty from climate models than models of the weather. As
we will explain today, climate is a big time research issue. The uncertainties
are as big and as fundamental as in any area of basic science. We don’t know
how to measure or even define this thing called “climate”; nor is there a
physical theory to guide scientific work. The familiar concepts upon which the
climate change discussion have been built: ideas like “global temperature,” the
“greenhouse effect” and “radiative forcing” have little or no physical basis.
The system under study is a chaotic process whose media are turbulent fluids,
and the physics or mathematics that might guide prediction and understanding do
not exist. Computer modeling cannot be done from first principles. Classical
statistical methods cannot reliably be applied. It’s quite a situation. We are
confronted not just with uncertainty, but with nescience: that old Latin
word meaning “not to know.” As to the future behaviour of climate, we are not
merely uncertain, we are nescient.
We will go over these things
today. We will walk you through the physics and even a bit of the math, letting
you in on some of the revolution that has been going on at the foundations on
which “climate science” is based. Not only are there new results and open
secrets that have not been assimilated into the popular and scientific
discourse but they make the notion of certainty on climate a laughable claim.
But let’s first begin with a
basic observation, not about the strangeness of climate but about the
strangeness of the climate change discussion.
There are two remarkable features
about the climate change policy discussion. First, the underlying phenomena are
unusually uncertain. Second, the rhetoric surrounding the issue is built on an
unusually forceful claim of certainty. This contradiction should serve as a
clue that something has gone wrong in the relationship between science and
policy over global warming.
If you have been paying any
attention to the climate change issue you will have heard these claims of
certainty. It began 14 years ago—perhaps in this very room—where a scientist
known to you all claimed he was 99% certain global warming was happening and
humans were the cause. Then out of nowhere activist groups like the
Environmental Defence Fund began telling their supporters there was a scientific
consensus behind global warming, even before most of the research was underway.
World politicians across the political spectrum declared “global warming is for
real,” and newspaper columnists began calling it a reckless gamble with the
planet’s future. The Canadian Environment Minister, David Anderson, wrote us to
say scientists had “conclusive proof” humans are changing the climate.
Recently, Rajendra Pachauri, the new chairman of the UN Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change summed up the situation in an interview this way:
“…the fact is that
our climate is changing and the consequences are very serious. Global warming
demands dramatic behavioural changes on the part of individuals and societies,
and we know that these changes are difficult to accept and to put into
practice…. The Flat-Earth Society has only a handful of members today, and they
continue to meet every year, to assert that the earth is indeed a slice. It is
the same with climate change - you may deny it, but it is a fact.”
Last week, the French Prime
Minister told a gathering of the IPCC: “Thanks to your work, carried out in
total independence, the question of climate change is one of the rare domains
where governments can count on a consensus of scientific analysis”
None of the fundamental problems
in climate have been solved. In fact, proceeding from a time in the 1960’s they
have become progressively “unsolved” for the scientists working at the
foundations on which the whole edifice rests. We are not moving closer to a solution
but further away from one. The ongoing revolution in the scientific
understanding of complex systems like climate (see Part II below) makes the
notion of certainty even more far-fetched than it was in 1988. While empty
homage is paid to general scientific uncertainty only when under duress, there
is no other area of policy where one routinely encounters such ironclad claims
of certainty. This is obviously a strange situation.
This huge contradiction demands
that we look critically at the interface between science and the policymaking
process. Our book, Taken By Storm, argues that the connection between
science and public policy is disintegrating. Climate change is a particularly
acute example, and it is the one we focus on, but it is not the only area of
concern. On many topics, especially it seems those to do with the environment,
we are seeing more and more serious problems concerning the use and conduct of
science in the policy process. Just when we need science following a mature,
balanced and free path of inquiry, it seems to degenerate into partisan
politics, fearmongering and tendentiousness. This is bad for the policymaking
process, and bad for science. It is time to begin taking this problem more
seriously.
The climate change issue
illustrates this problem in cartoon-size proportions. A few weeks ago,
President Clinton addressed the crowd at a free Rolling Stones concert, and
urged them to greater activism to “stop the planet from burning up.” Let’s
think about this. Someone wanting to educate people about climate dynamics paid
the Rolling Stones to put on a concert. A former US President came and urged
the attendees to prevent the combustion of the Earth. Now the Rolling Stones
don’t claim to know much about the climate. Mr. Clinton probably thinks he
knows a lot, but what he ended up saying was really very foolish. Those in the
audience might have wondered why they were seeing thousands of kilowatts of
power consumed on a sound and light show to encourage them to use less power.
So we have a mixture of apathy, foolishness and the usual contradictions of
celebrity activism, all rolled up in a festival of fearmongering and rock and
roll. And all this was done to get nonexperts to take strong positions on
scientific questions on which experts have no answers.
It would be easy to blame this
nonsense on the general decline in education standards, or to conjure up
stories of conspiracy or political intrigue. But we believe that the people
involved in the climate debate really do have the best interests of the world
at heart, and moreover there are too many people, working with conflicting
goals and motives, to suggest a conspiracy at work. What has happened is more
like a socioeconomic game, of the kind John Nash studied. In the famous
prisoner’s dilemma, the players try to get away with the great bank heist, and
pursue a strategy that seems best to each individual, but end up confessing and
ratting each other out. Nash games are like that. The outcome is different from
what everyone intended, and no one player is the cause. It’s also a bit like a
physical phenomenon called phaselocking, in which separate mechanical systems
start beating time with each other, like two clocks placed together on a shelf.
Their interactions through the shelf are sufficient to coordinate their
mechanisms, although no one intended to calibrate them this way. The players in
the global warming game don’t mean to coordinate with one another either, but
larger circumstances force them to. They start beating the same tune, pounding
out the relentless drumbeat of false certainty and climate alarmism in this
case.
Who are the players, and what are
their motives?
There are six groups we need to
distinguish: politicians, regular scientists, official science, the media,
environmental groups and industry.
First come the politicians. To be
fair, most seem to want to make the world a better place. But they need to get
elected, and to do this they need to find issues around which to form a
coalition that will get them elected. For some politicians, the environmental
movement that took off in the 1980s was a good horse to ride. The issues got
lavish public attention, they seemed to have intense social importance and they
were not seen as problems that the private sector could resolve. They were
perfect for political entrepreneurs. The only problem was that most of the
conventional environmental problems like air pollution and water quality were
getting better in the industrialized countries. The public was demanding
action, but the environment seemed to be getting better on its own. Only in
politics would this be a dilemma. The climate change issue presented a neat
solution. It’s an environmental problem. It is so complex and baffling the
public still has little clue what it’s really about. It’s global, so there’s
the added attraction that you get to have your meetings in exotic locations.
Policy initiatives could sound like heroic measures to save the planet (“from
burning up”), but on the other hand the solutions are potentially very costly. So
you need a high degree of scientific support if you are going to move on it.
There’s a premium on certainty.
Then come the scientists. The
regular ones. The ones you never hear about. Research is a personal journey
that involves patience, hard work , humility and joy. You make mistakes, and
you tend to make them in front of colleagues. You see grand systems of thought
build up and then get overturned based on a new insight or some new data. You
learn to sit loose to your intellectual convictions, and relentlessly test them
against theory and observation. And if you’re lucky, then once in a while you
are there to see a genuinely new discovery. This is the experience real
researchers crave. But nature does not yield up these rewards easily, and if
you want to pry her secrets loose you have to guard your intellectual
independence, and remain fluent in the arcane mathematical language of advanced
science. This makes political engagement difficult. It also means you are the
last person to declare yourself certain when the subject at hand is an open
research problem. On such matters certainty, like hubris, runs too close to the
line of self-delusion. It’s dangerous territory for the practicing scientist.
That being the case, there stands
between regular scientists and political decision-makers an intermediary body
we call Official Science. Official Science is not science, but it is the layer
of professionals which represents science to policy makers. This can include
staff of scientific bureaucracies, editors of prominent magazines like Nature
and Science, and directors of international panels, like the various
UN bodies that work on scientific matters. Those in it represent only a
minority of people involved with science, and they are not appointed by
scientists to speak on their behalf. In fact, as often as not they are
appointed by organizations that have little sympathy for concerns of
scientists. Official Science serves a necessary function, but it really has an
impossible job: to strike a compromise between the need for certainty in
policymaking and the aversion to claims of certainty in regular science. In
regular science, expertise is strictly probationary. Even the most famous and
respected scientists can be taken to task and put to the test—if scientific culture
is working properly. In Official Science, expertise means authority, in the
sense of being authoritarian. Firsthand insight is not so highly valued,
instead authorities define what is true and what is not. If an authority makes
a pronouncement, doubting it or suggesting alternatives is not viewed as
truth-seeking; it is taken as a challenge to power. So, in Official Science,
testing an idea becomes a political struggle. This is not congenial to real
scientists, who inevitably pull away from such areas of work, ironically just
when their knowledge is most valuable.
While scientists are at odds with
each other in many disputes, reflecting wide-ranging opinions, Official Science
works to present a united front to its clientele of unschooled politicians and
journalists. But how does this work when the subject at hand is something like
climate, upon which there is a wide range of informed opinion and massive
uncertainty on every side? We look to Sir John Houghton, former co-chair of the
IPCC, to explain.
During the
preparation of the reports, a considerable part of the debate amongst the
scientists has centred on just how much can be said about the likely climate
change next century. Particularly to begin with, some felt that the
uncertainties were such that scientists should refrain from making any
estimates or predictions for the future. However, it soon became clear that the
responsibility of scientists to convey the best possible information could not
be discharged without making estimates of the most likely magnitude of the
change next century coupled with clear statements of our assumptions and the
level of uncertainty in the estimates. Weather forecasters have a similar,
although much more short-term responsibility. Even though they may feel
uncertain about tomorrow’s weather, they cannot refuse to make a forecast….It
has often been commented that without the clear message which came from the
world’s scientists, orchestrated by the IPCC, the world’s leaders would never
have agreed to sign the [Rio] Climate Convention. (Global Warming: The
Complete Briefing, Cambridge University Press, 158-159).
This astounding statement by Sir
John is the very anatomy of Official Science at work between scientists and
politicians. It gathers in normal science in all its tumultuous reality: open
debate, dissension and a refusal to make definitive claims where none are
warranted. Then it trots off to Capitol Hill or Number 10 Downing St. with a
serene and smiling certainty. Debate and dissent are extruded into a “clear message”
in this case orchestrated by Official Science. The reason for this
orchestration is simple: without it “the world’s leaders would never have
agreed to sign” a treaty. If things were as they should be, leaders would want
a treaty because they observe that scientists are in agreement. What happens
instead is that Official Science “orchestrates” agreement because leaders want
to make a treaty.
At the heart of the
disintegration between science and public policy is the feedback loop between
politicians and Official Science. Politicians must decide how much certainty to
declare on an issue: likewise Official Science must counsel a degree of
certainty. They reinforce each other’s opinion. We call this the Convection of
Certainty. The more certain are the politicians, the stronger is the message of
certainty from Official Science. The stronger the message from Official
Science, the greater the degree of certainty from politicians. We explain how
this works in Taken By Storm, and provide examples from the global
warming file.
The media and environmental
groups also have roles to play. In the climate case their interventions amplify
the positive feedback between politicians and Official Science. We also explain
this process in Taken By Storm. Print and TV media play up the worrisome
side of climate stories, because worry sells. Environmental groups also have an
interest in keeping up the worry, in fact that’s why they exist. Industry is
also relevant here. They too have interests to defend. In the maelstrom of public
opinion over global warming, it is easy to make assumptions about what
industry’s strategy should be if they are to defend their interest. But the
superficial predictions turn out to be wrong. Many firms are observed lobbying
for global warming policy, and some even give money to environmental groups! It
sounds odd but if you want to know why it is happening, you’ll have to read the
book.
For now it is time to move on to
some technical details. We want to convince you that the message of certainty
you have been hearing from politicians and Official Science is not warranted.
And simply striking another panel, i.e. creating another division of the Office
of Official Science, is not going to help. It’s time to break out of the
feedback loop and look again at the basics. Taken By Storm challenges
the reader to do this, and that is why it is not a light read. But if you are
interested in understanding the real challenges facing climate science, it is a
necessary read.
A recent study drew a connection
between red squirrels and global climate that went as follows. Some red
squirrels in the Yukon have been observed to have pups earlier in the Spring.
Ergo their DNA has changed, ergo some adaptation and Darwinian natural
selection is occurring, ergo some change in the environment can be induced,
ergo the Yukon must be warming, ergo global warming! Thus squirrel pups provide
yet more proof that this thing called “global temperature” is changing.
We call this king of Temperatures
“T-Rex.”
The focus on T-Rex obscures the
fundamental complexity and uncertainty of climate, and has prevented proper
consideration of some very real obstacles to a scientific treatment of the
so-called “global” warming. This presentation covers 5 key topics fundamental
to climate science. First come some remarks about the ongoing obsession with
T-Rex. Then comes a look at the fundamental revolution in physics arising from
the study of chaos. The third topic concerns greenhouses, and why they don’t
work according to the ‘greenhouse effect.’ That leads to a look at models, and
why it means that models are no substitute for a theory of climate. Finally
there are some comments about what climate data can and cannot teach us.
Temperature is not energy. It is
a thermodynamic variable with some special properties that make it far more
interesting than it usually gets credit for. Consider that an ordinary laser
pointer, powered by small flashlight batteries, generates peak temperatures of
about 1011 Kelvin. Yet you can shine it on
your hand and not feel any warmth! This can happen because temperature
represents the distribution of energy across physical states, and the fewer the
states the higher the peak temperature, even at low energies. The laser
distributes a small amount of energy across very few states, which allows the
temperature peak to get very large, despite not being perceptible by touch.
Lasers are idealized in thermodynamics as having infinite temperature because
ideally the laser radiation would have all of its energy in one quantum state.
Convincing people that
temperature is not energy is difficult. Many people have heard in their early
education that temperature is just internal energy. But it isn’t. In the real
world you can change the internal energy of a physical system without changing
the temperature, and you can change the temperature without changing the
internal energy. And this disconnect happens routinely in the natural world
around us all the time. Ultimately this has to be so because temperature and
energy belong to two fundamentally different classes of thermodynamic
variables.
Thermodynamic variables are
categorized as extensive or intensive. Extensive variables occur
in amounts. There is an amount of mass, energy, length, and so forth. Intensive
variables refer to conditions of a system, defined continuously throughout its
extent. Temperature, pressure, relative humidity, and chemical potential are
examples of intensive variables.
You can add up extensive
variables to get a total amount. In a thermodynamic system there is a total
energy, total mass, etc. But this does not work with intensive variables. There
is no such thing as a “total” temperature in a system. If you join two
identical closed systems, to get the properties of the new system as a whole
you add up extensive quantities, but you don’t add up the temperatures. It just
doesn’t work that way.
The equation that governs the
entropy of a system can be analyzed by taking the differential of it. This is
the customary approach in thermodynamics. It yields a sum of pairs of
variables. Each of the pairs is the partial derivative of the entropy function
times the differential of one of the function’s independent extensive
variables. Each term is a conjugates pair. Intensive variables are
defined in terms of the partial derivatives and these are said to be conjugate
to the extensive variable who’s differential they multiply. Intensive variables
are never equal to extensive variables alone without some extensive quantity
mediating a relationship. So it is too with temperature and internal energy in
an ideal gas. Intensive variables never appear in a summation by themselves,
but only as a conjugate with an extensive variable.
It is not essential to understand
that point, as long as you grasp that the physical equations involving
temperature assign no meaning to a sum of temperatures on their own, only in
conjugate pairs with extensive variables. So here is a question: if the mean is
the “total T”, divided by the number of observations n, and “total T” (i.e. the
sum of some temperature numbers) does not have a physical significance, what
does the mean mean?
This is not an idle philosophical
question. An average is nothing more nor less than a rule made up for an
occasion where you want a single value to stand in for a list of values. There
is not just one way to do this: there are an infinite number of ways to boil a
list of numbers down to a single value. The rule that you should follow depends
on the circumstances.
For extensive variables the
physical circumstance often recommends a mean. But a mean over what? You can
compute the average height of people, for example, because it makes geometric
sense to imagine laying everyone end to end and finding the total ‘height’ of a
group, then dividing that by the number of people in the group. That’s an
ordinary arithmetic mean. But the physical meaning of this particular average
pertains to this overall length. If the mean height grows, that means that the
total height of the group changes. So the mean means something geometric. In
other circumstances other means make sense.
You could average over the
kinetic energy of identical particles by adding up the square of the speeds and
not the speeds themselves. If the mean speed-squared increases, then that means
the kinetic energy increases, giving a physical meaning to the mean
speed-squared computed in this way. You can then just take the square root and
get a speed that means something in terms of energy.
You could average over the
radiation energy of identical volumes in equilibrium by adding up their
temperatures to the fourth power, not temperature to the first power and not
temperature in other than absolute units. The mean of temperatures to the
fourth power is connected in this way directly to the energy. If you take the
fourth root of the mean you have a temperature that is connected to the energy.
You can go on with this kind of
thinking. For example you could figure out the total resistance in a parallel
circuit by adding up the reciprocals of the resistances of the individual
components. And so on.
If the physical context does not
imply one type of average then mathematics steps in with an infinity of ad
hoc possibilities. It includes an infinite variety of weights, exponents,
algebraic formulas, functions and other mathematical cookware, all chosen to
reduce a list of numbers to a single value. When any one of these cookware
rules is used, it is normally presumed wishfully that the number produced is
“representative.” But in reality an averaging rule can be found to rationalize
any value in the list from the largest to the smallest as the “representative.”
Only in the case of a particular
physical context can we select one from this range that has a specific physical
meaning. Everything else is just statistics. Everything else is ad hoc. But
no such physical rules are prescribed for intensive variables on their own.
For them physics does not provide a rule for averaging them. This is
certainly true for temperature observations, the ideal gas law not
withstanding. There is no such thing as a total temperature. It is
mathematically possible to do the calculation, but not physically meaningful.
Likewise you could take an average over telephone numbers. You could compute an
average phone number in Washington DC if you like. But what significance does
it have? In what way does it represent the phone system or anything else for
that matter? If you dialed the number and asked whoever answers what the
temperature is, maybe that could define the average temperature!
In the absence of physical
guidance, any rule for averaging temperature is as good as any other. The folks
who do the averaging happen to use the arithmetic mean over the field with
specific sets of weights, rather than, say, the geometric mean or any other.
But this is mere convention.
This matters not only because you
will change your definition of “global average temperature” if you use a
different averaging rule, but you can also change the meaning of “warming” and
“cooling” themselves. This is no trivial matter, since “warming”—or not—is
nearly the entire global warming question.
Consider a system consisting of a
cup of coffee, at 33 degrees C, and a cup of ice water at 2C. What is the “one”
temperature that describes both these liquids, at this moment, as they stand?
Clearly there isn’t one temperature, there are two. The physics does not
say in any way that there is a single temperature for the whole. But if you are
interested in climate you might say that there is one temperature anyway, if
your thinking has been clouded by the T-Rex obsession. To such a person
combining the temperatures of the ice water and coffee into one number would be
no different than combining the temperatures of the poles and equator into one
number. Of course you can do it. You have an infinity of choices, but the
physics doesn’t say which one to use.
Fine then: pick an averaging
rule. Better yet, pick four out of the infinity of choices. Then ask whether
this system is “warming” or “cooling” as the liquids relax to room temperature.
As is conventional, cooling will mean our average is declining, while warming
will mean the average is rising.
The four averages turn out to
imply different things:
Figure 1: Two
liquids, four averages.
The arithmetic mean says the
system is “warming”. The root mean square says it’s “cooling.” Which is
correct? They both are! Take your pick—the physics doesn’t say which one is the
right one.
The situation is more problematic
when discussing changes on the surface of the Earth. There we do not have a
“room temperature” to know where all the temperatures are headed to.
Furthermore there are not just two temperatures, but an infinite number of
temperatures that form a continuous field. Means over temperature
observations sampled from the field have no known physical connection to
climate anymore than they do for the ice water and coffee. You could have a
huge climate change without a given mean changing, and likewise you could have
a change in the mean without any change in the underlying system. None of the
governing equations of the climate system, so far as anyone knows, takes an
arithmetic mean of temperatures as an argument, so we cannot say how
temperature statistics are linked to climate.
As another example, we took the
monthly temperature means for 1979-2001 for 10 stations ranging from Halley,
Antarctica to Egedesminde, Greenland. How should these numbers be aggregated?
The usual practice is to take an arithmetic mean, which yields Figure 2 below.
Mean Temperature: +0.17
C/decade
0.0
2.0
4.0
6.0
8.0
10.0
12.0
14.0
16.0
18.0
Jan-79
Jan-80
Jan-81
Jan-82
Jan-83
Jan-84
Jan-85
Jan-86
Jan-87
Jan-88
Jan-89
Jan-90
Jan-91
Jan-92
Jan-93
Jan-94
Jan-95
Jan-96
Jan-97
Jan-98
Jan-99
Jan-00
Figure 2: Global
Warming
Amidst all the seasonal variation
a warming trend of +0.17C per decade is discernible. Must be global warming!
But what if we aggregate the
temperatures differently? Suppose we treat each month as a vector of 10
observed temperatures, and define the aggregate as the norm of the vector (with
temperatures in Kelvins). This is a perfectly standard way in algebra to take
the magnitude of a multidimensional array. Converted to an average it implies a
root mean square rule. Of course this can be represented on the original
temperature scale too.
This was applied to the same data
used for Figure 2, and the result is in Figure 3.
Root Mean Square
Temperature: -0.18C/decade
0.0
2.0
4.0
6.0
8.0
10.0
12.0
14.0
16.0
18.0
Jan-79
Jan-80
Jan-81
Jan-82
Jan-83
Jan-84
Jan-85
Jan-86
Jan-87
Jan-88
Jan-89
Jan-90
Jan-91
Jan-92
Jan-93
Jan-94
Jan-95
Jan-96
Jan-97
Jan-98
Jan-99
Jan-00
Figure 3: Global
Cooling
Amidst all the seasonal
variability a cooling trend of 0.18C per decade is discernible. Must be global
cooling!
But wait—which is it? The same
data can’t imply global warming and cooling can they? No they can’t. The
data don’t imply “global” anything. That interpretation is forced on the data
by a choice of statistical cookery. The data themselves only refer to an
underlying temperature field that is not reducible to a single measure in a way
that has physical meaning. You can invent a statistic to summarize the field in
some way, but your statistic is not a physical rule and has no claim to primacy
over any other rule.
Going further, if you want to
describe “climate” as “average” weather, what variables would you average? And
how do you do the averaging over the dynamics of these variables (which is
typically a lot harder)? You can make up rules for this, but ideally these
things should be done in a physically-meaningful way.
And no one knows how to do this.
If you did you would have a theory for climate. We do not have one.
Let us move on from temperature
to the system of which temperature is one feature. It has become commonplace to
describe the climate system as chaotic. Chaos is a property of solutions
of some nonlinear mappings and differential equations. It is interesting
because in chaotic systems, very small changes in initial conditions can cause
permanent and large changes in the behaviour of the system. But at the same
time these changes are bounded. It is easy to find examples of mathematical
systems in which small initial changes cause the system to race off to
infinity. But in chaotic systems small changes have large effects, even while
these effects stay within set bounds. This is like the natural world: small
perturbations set the system on another path, but only within the bounds of the
system itself. A change in the wind direction may trigger a series of other
changes culminating in a thunderstorm, but not in the sun going nova.
One of the simplest examples of a
chaotic system is the logistic map. This is a rule that takes a value x at
some time t and maps it onto the next period, yielding x(t+1).
The formula is x(t+1)=ax(t)(1-x(t))
where a is a coefficient chosen to be between a bit more than 3 and up
to 4. If you start with x between 0 and 1 it remains bounded between
those values. You can use the mapping over and over to generate a sequence of x
values, all following from the first value according to this simple,
deterministic formula.
Now suppose a=4 and you
pick two initial values of x and run the logistic map on separate
computers. You ought to get the same sequence of values. But let the initial
values be slightly different: by less than one in 10,000,000,000,000,000 (ten
thousand trillion). Many computers cannot spot numerical differences much
smaller. The two sequences would remain the same for about 50 iterations, then
they would fly apart. The magnitude of the differences would remain bounded
between 0 and 1. But the sequences would become completely disconnected. Figure
4 illustrates this.
Figure 4:
Differences between two logistic map sequences that differ initially by less
than 1 in 1016.
This sensitivity to initial
conditions is a pervasive feature of our natural world. But it was only
recently in the history of science that we knew it.
Suppose you are looking at the
500-period series in Figure 4 and—without knowing how the data were
generated—trying to figure out what caused the sudden change in the system at
period 50. You would probably look for a “big” cause somewhere around period 49
or 48. Good luck! Would you think to look for a minuscule “cause” on the
scale of 10-16 compared to the scale of the data
itself, some 50 periods earlier?
Or to put it another way, if you
were looking to explain “global warming” in the 1990s, would you think to study
the activity of a housefly in the 1950s? Of course not. In classical physical
theory small things typically cause small changes. In a chaotic system small
things can cause big changes, and their effects can operate over long quiet
intervals in which nothing appears to happen. The chaos revolution has meant
the end of simple notions of predictability and change in deterministic
systems.
We cannot even be sure that
“effects” have causes, when we are talking about chaotic systems. The simple
logistic equation with a different a, mapped onto itself three times,
generated the pattern in Figure 5. Now suppose it is a graph of some climate
variable. The variable hums along as steady as can be for just over 350 periods
then wham! it jumps to a new level, holding steady thereafter through the
next 400 periods. There was no exterior “cause.” It is just the nature of the
system. You might go looking for a cause, and find some very plausible
candidates. But nothing caused the jump.
0.0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1.0
1.2
0 100 200 300 400 500
600 700
Figure 5: 750
realizations of the 3-times logistic map
These curious behaviours are
features of a very simple chaotic system. Is there any reason to believe more
complex systems are “better” behaved? Of course not. It was the realization
that deterministic systems can exhibit sensitivity to initial conditions,
sudden reorganizations and causeless changes that led scientists in the 1970s
and 80s to question the very concept of predictability in physical theories of
natural systems.
This change in thinking was marked
in an unprecedented apology to the public by Sir James Lighthill, one of the 20th century’s most distinguished fluid dynamicists:
“We are deeply
conscious today that the enthusiasm of our forebears for the marvelous
achievements of Newtonian mechanics led them to generalizations in this area of
predictability which, indeed, we may have generally tended to believe before
1960, but which we now recognize as false. We collectively wish to apologize for having misled the
general educated public by spreading ideas about the determinism of systems
satisfying Newton’s laws that, after 1960 were proved incorrect. In this lecture, I am trying to
make belated amends by explaining both the very different picture that we now
discern, and the reasons for it being uncovered so late.” –Proc. Roy Soc A 407
35-50 1986
One cannot overstate the
importance of seeing the “very different picture” that has emerged in physics
as a result of this revolution. It affects all areas of science, though the
message has not yet sunk in everywhere.
Fluid dynamics was always a
problem, in particular through the old problem of turbulence. This revolution,
however, gave this old problem new scope and a new language. The governing
equations of fluid dynamics is a system called Navier-Stokes. This is a set of
vector partial differential equations for which no general solution is known.
The flow is driven by gradients (or rates of change) in variables like
temperature, but to try to use the system for computation requires
approximations and parameterizations since the levels of system variables
cannot be solved out directly. In the case of turbulent fluids, we cannot even
compute the average flow from first principles.
Our atmosphere, and hence our
climate, is composed of fluids in motion, like air and water. Turbulence is a
pervasive feature of atmospheric processes, yet analysis from first principles
is not possible because the relevant equations cannot be solved directly. The
governing system is known to exhibit chaotic behaviour, which means in
principle that prediction and causal interpretation of past events is not
possible. When you mix the different components of classical physics together
on this bubbling boiling turbulent foundation, the result is a disaster for
classical forecasting.
This is the kind of uncertainty
that lies at the heart of the climate problem.
Here is an example of where the
problem of turbulence applies to the climate discussion. You have heard of the
“greenhouse effect.” The beginning of the story is the top panel in Figure 6.
Figure 6: The
Greenhouse Effect
Incoming solar radiation adds
energy to the Earth’s surface. This energy must be drained to the top of the
atmosphere where it will be radiated back to space, preserving the balance in
the planet’s energy budget. The two mechanisms for energy transport through the
atmosphere are infrared radiation and fluid dynamics, the two arrows pointing
upwards.
Real greenhouses work according
to the bottom picture. To keep the greenhouse air from moving away, fluid (air
and water) motion is shut off by putting up glass or plastic. To maintain the
energy drain the infrared radiative flow must increase. In this case the
equation governing the radiative transfer is relatively simple and can be
solved for absolute temperature. The physics is clear and certain: temperature
must rise. It is theoretically and experimentally certain.
What is happening in the
atmosphere however follows the middle picture. Adding CO2 to the air slows the radiative drain slightly. So the fluid
dynamics has to adjust. OK, so all we have to do is solve the governing
equations to see what temperature will do. But the equations (Navier-Stokes)
can’t be solved, and absolute temperature doesn’t even appear in them
(intensive variables usually only appear in gradients). So no one can compute
from first principles what the climate will do. It may warm, or cool, or
nothing at all! It is like natural air conditioning without knowing where the
thermostat is set.
Unfortunately, calling the middle
picture a “greenhouse effect” grafts the certainty of the bottom picture
onto the top picture. This is a very misleading abuse of terminology. The
bottom picture could hardly be more simple. The middle picture could hardly be
more uncertain. Moreover, in the popular discussion of the “greenhouse effect”
so-called, the most important “greenhouse” gas gets forgotten: namely water
vapour. People focus incessantly on CO2 yet
good old H2O, the one truly important
infrared-absorbing gas, is almost always forgotten! But water is not only the
most important greenhouse gas, it is, unlike all the rest, deeply embroiled in
the whole fluid dynamics problem. So leaving it off the list helps leave the
turbulence problem out of the discussion, which strips away all the fundamental
uncertainty.
So if the climate problem cannot
be treated from first principles, what are climate models based upon? By
necessity they rely on approximations and parameterizations that are chosen to
stand in for all the underlying physical processes that cannot be treated
directly. The relevant mathematics is just too big and complex to fit into any
finite computer, no matter how large and powerful. So a lot of detail has to be
left off. Is this a problem? Maybe yes, maybe no. The point is that without the
underlying theory we cannot say. We do not know how “small” something can be
before it does not matter. And the cracks that things can fall between in our
best climate models are hundreds of kilometers wide.
Such is the reality of working
with models rather than theory. There is no problem with this as long as people
bear in mind that, unlike engineering models, climate models cannot be tested
experimentally! No one knows if the parameterizations and approximations will
work the same way in a future climate regime. They are assembled with a lot of
care and wisdom, but all the good intentions in the world cannot overcome the
fundamental problem that there is no theory of climate useable for
computational purposes. Indeed it is fair to say there is no theory of climate,
period. The equations of motion for climate have never been written down. That
is, no one has derived from first principles a set of equations that takes
‘averaged’ climate variables and shows how they evolve under different
circumstances, not to mention defining how the averages relate to the
underlying variables themselves. Such a group of equations would constitute the
beginnings of a theory of climate. But no one has derived these equations.
Perhaps someone will, in time. Until then, there is no theory to guide
computational modeling.
That being the case it is
important to set aside unwarranted claims about the ‘accuracy’ of computer
models. They are properly understood as cartoons of the climate. Adding more
detail, in the form of more elaborate parameterizations, does not guarantee the
cartoon will converge on the real thing, any more than adding detail to a
cartoon mouse makes it converge on a real mouse. Nor does ‘ensemble’ averaging
across different models necessarily converge to the real thing: just as
averaging across Mickey Mouse and Speedy Gonzales doesn’t get you closer to a
real mouse. And the current preoccupation with ‘regional climate forecasts’
overlooks a lot of conceptual barriers, one of which is that modelers are only
supplying a sort of ‘blow-up’ of one part of their cartoon, but this does not
imply greater realism is thereby obtained.
An example of the misuse of
models is the old ‘proof’ of global warming that relies on a parameterization
of something called the atmospheric lapse rate (the rate at which temperature
falls in the troposphere as you gain altitude). The story is that adding CO2 to the air raises the effective emissions altitude. This in
turn raises the temperature at the point where the radiation is emitted. By
applying a parameter value (6.5 K/km) to map a drop in altitude onto an
increase in temperature you can project all the way down to the surface to get
the “result” that the surface temperature has to rise by about 2K in response
to doubling CO2 levels. But what if the parameter
value changes in the changed climate? It is observed to vary naturally from
about 4 to about 10 K/km. It only has to change from 6.5 to 6.1 for the surface
to experience cooling in response to the additional CO2. The ‘proof’ only applies to a cartoon atmosphere, not the
real one.
If models don’t offer a clear
demonstration of global warming, can we hope to rely on the data, and do a
purely statistical analysis? With today’s big computers, is it possible to
crunch through terabytes of observational data and pick up the ‘climate signal’
directly?
Not likely. First we face the
fatal problems of averaging discussed above. But in addition it must be noted
that statistical analysis is itself a form of modeling. It requires judgment
and assumptions and the substitution of a made-up structure in lieu of theory.
Here is an example of how this
matters. Figure 7 shows a plot of the distribution of monthly values of the
Arctic Oscillation or AO Index (solid line). The AO index tracks pressure
variations in the Arctic and is believed to play an important role in driving
decadal-scale temperature variations. It is a widely-studied data series.
To do a statistical analysis
requires assuming a distribution function, from which probability
calculations can be made. The dashed line is one possible function, called the
Gaussian curve. The Gaussian line can be modified by choosing two parameter
values: the mean and variance. These values have been chosen to fit the Arctic
Oscillation values as closely as possible. But you can see that the fit is not
quite exact: the centre of the data profile is too narrow and tall, and the
tails are too a bit too fat.
Figure 7: Distribution
of the Arctic Oscillation (solid line) and best-fit Gaussian density (dashed
line).
Figure 8 shows a distribution of
some temperature data: in this case the temperatures at Frobisher Bay, Nunavut,
which have been standardized (by regressing each monthly observation from
1942:1 to 2001:12 on itself lagged once and a set of monthly dummy variables,
then taking the residuals from this regression). Again the data are plotted
along with a Gaussian curve, which does not quite fit. The distribution of
temperature data is too narrow and spikey in the middle, and the tails are too
fat at either side.
Figure 8:
Distribution of Frobisher Bay temperatures with lag and monthly means removed.
Dotted line shows a best-fit Gaussian distribution curve.
In either case if you use the
Gaussian curve to compute probabilities (which is the standard assumption
behind most of the formulas used by statistical packages) you will of course be
a little off in the numbers. In many cases however it doesn’t matter if your data
don’t exactly follow a Gaussian distribution. There are theorems which show
that as long as your data follow any distribution with a well-defined mean and
variance, you can average your data in the right way and the average will
follow a Gaussian curve.
But there is some fine print. Not
all distributions have a well-defined mean and variance. For instance there is
the Levy class of distributions, for which the variance is infinite. Some
members of this class do not even have a finite mean. If you sample data from a
Levy distribution you can compute a mean and variance of the sample, but that
tells you nothing about the rest of the data you didn’t observe. If more data
come along they likely won’t yield the same mean. And the variance of samples
will just keep growing to infinity the more data you collect. Furthermore all
the convenient formulas used in standard spreadsheet programs and statistical
packages on computers will be working on the wrong assumption, and will merrily
generate illusory probability calculations.
Would a researcher know when
these statistical illusions are being generated? Does the Levy distribution
look so weird that it would be immediately apparent that standard Gaussian
methods should not be applied? We report, you decide. Figure 9 shows a Gaussian
curve and a Levy curve plotted together.
Figure 9: A
Gaussian density curve and a Levy density curve. The Levy curve is narrower and
taller with fatter tails at each side.
They don’t look all that
different from each other. And the misfit between the Levy and the Gaussian is
like the misfit in Figures 7 and 8. Maybe it’s just a fluke. But maybe it
points to a deep problem in using conventional statistics on these particular
data series. Levy distributions have turned up elsewhere too: in rainfall
statistics for instance. And the absorption lines for CO2 in the infrared spectrum, called the Lorentz profile in
molecular spectroscopy, are Levy distributions. Indeed the 15 micron band of CO2 that all the fuss is about has rotation lines that are
shaped like Levy distributions. Great irony, but also a solid lesson about
Nature.
A researcher using statistical
methods has to make an assumption about whether the data are Gaussian or not.
If they are, that’s fine. If not; if they follow a non-standard stable
distribution like Levy, all bets are off as to what the output of a statistical
analysis means.
We could go on. In Taken By
Storm we discuss these and other issues in much detail. But the point here
is simply that there are very fundamental uncertainties at hand when studying
climate. There is no theory of climate. There is no known physical meaning for
adding up data and dividing by the number of data that everyone insists on
adding up and dividing by.
Furthermore once they have this
number, no scientific basis exists to show that its behavior has any
implications for our lives. There is a lot of hand waving and gesticulating,
but no science. The people who like these statistics have a burden that they
have not been made to bear. You have to prove a proposition in both directions
in order to make an equivalence.
We can barely manage past
complete handwaving to make it in one direction, and no one seems to have even
thought about it at all in the reverse. In fact there is every reason to
believe that it is not true at all in the reverse. Temperature statistics can
go up in the very small amounts we speak of without any meaningful effect, and
similarly they can remain fixed even during huge climate change.
Some types of statistic from the
Earth’s temperature field are going up while others are going down. This
reflects more on the nature of averages than on the state of the Earth’s
climate.
The system under study is
chaotic, and we know from studying simple chaotic systems that classical
notions of causality and scale can be thrown out of the window in such
situations. The fluid media of climate (air and water) are turbulent, ruling
out computation of changes from first principles. The data show hints of
following nonstandard distributions that rule out conventional statistical
methods.
We don’t know what the climate
would be like if we were not here. We may not be able to identify climate
change, even after the fact. Climate research involves some of the greatest
unsolved problems of basic science. It is not the stuff on which to base costly
and far-reaching policy commitments.
To do so requires one to speak
about climate with great certainty. Those who do so are only courting the
laughter of the gods.
If you were expecting a
discussion of the difference between surface and satellite temperatures, or an
examination of which parts of the world climate have not yet been modeled quite
accurately, then the presentation so far may come as a surprise. Believe
me, Taken By Storm is full of surprises, sort of like the climate.
That the climate is full of
surprises is not the message of the IPCC Summaries. It is there in the Reports
themselves if you know where to look. But the Summaries are the work of Official
Science, and the aim there was to orchestrate a consensus. In reality there is
no certainty to be had on this issue. Not yet, and perhaps not for a long time
to come. And it is hard to have consensus amidst fundamental uncertainty and
nescience.
This makes the climate
contradiction that much more remarkable. One can scarcely imagine a research
topic with so many unanswered and fiendishly complex questions on all the most
fundamental issues. Yet it is precisely on this topic that a suffocating cloud
of certainty has descended on the political discussion, which means all this
rich science is cut off from the policy debate precisely when it is most
needed.
This brings us to the final
question, lurking behind the climate issue and many other controversies today:
How should policymakers gather
technical information on uncertain scientific matters with controversial policy
implications?
This question is not confined to
the climate issue. Here are a few others that come to mind:
· What is the effect of abortion on
women’s health?
· Does violence on TV cause
adolescent delinquency?
· Do cellphones or high voltage
power lines cause cancer?
· Should we bring back DDT for
controlling mosquitoes?
All these topics have two things
in common. First, they are important questions and we need all the help science
can offer. Second, regular scientists are averse to working on them. Do you see
the problem? On the very topics where we need the most scientific input, the
fewest number of researchers want to get involved. The politics are too hot,
the battles are too painful, and the dead hand of Official Science lurks in the
background, ready to turn honest uncertainty into fictitious consensus, thereby
stigmatizing holders of legitimate points of view as outsiders and skeptics,
regardless of the merits of their position.
Early in the process of
researching climate change, some regular scientists tried to warn the public
about what was happening. For instance, Craig Bohren, an atmospheric physicist
at Penn State, had this to say in 1994:
The government’s
response to clamoring from an electorate frightened by global warmers to do
something about global warming is to recklessly toss money to the wind, where
it is eagerly grasped by various opportunists and porch-climbers… I have never
understood Gresham’s law in economics--bad money drives good money out of
circulation--but I do understand this law applied to science. Incompetent,
dishonest, opportunistic, porch-climbing scientists will provide certainty
where none exists, thereby driving out of circulation those scientists who can
only confess to honest ignorance and uncertainty.
Alas such warnings went unheeded.
And so these many years later the situation has deteriorated to the point where
there is no easy way forward. It is no use simply setting up another expert
panel, or asking the IPCC for a Fourth Assessment Report. So what should we do?
We would like to propose one
possible solution to this dilemma.
Set aside the global warming
example for a moment. Consider another topic that is scientifically complex but
politically charged. Suppose we want to know whether lawn chemicals are a
threat to health in cities.
The usual pattern looks something
like this. The government wants advice on the science. It looks for a “neutral”
expert. By some chain of rumour, acquaintance and political jockeying, Dr.
Bland is selected to form a panel and write a report. The Panel quickly adopts
a particular view. The Bland Report comes out, 500 pages long, dense with
footnotes. It all boils down to a conclusion, which as it happens was precisely
the view that Dr. Bland and the other panelists held before writing the report.
Then some other people start to
object. They say they weren’t consulted, or that the Bland Panel overlooked
important evidence. But by now the government has institutionalized the Bland
Report. The opponents are the “skeptics,” the minority, the outsiders. It
doesn’t matter how many of them there are, how big the errors are that they
find in the Bland Report or how good their own arguments are. They do not have
the money or the institutional credibility to produce a report of their own.
When they speak up they do so as
individuals, and they can never carry the weight or gravitas of the
Official Bland Panel. So they get frustrated and drop out of the debate. Their
expertise gets lost just when we need it most. Thus it is that big policy
decisions get made, time and again, on the basis of incomplete and unbalanced
science.
In other areas of society, when a
task requires adjudication—that is, a judgment as to the meaning of the
available data by someone in a position of authority—a Bland panel is not the
typical approach. Instead we use a forum in which contrasting opinions are
deliberately sought out and given a full and fair hearing.
Isn’t this what happens every day
in courts of law? Courts insist upon competent representation for the both the
prosecutor and the defendant, and will suspend proceedings if one or the other
is missing. Each side is given all the time it needs to present its case. The
testimony of each witness is cross-examined. Each side can bring in its own
experts. Attention must focus on the facts of the matter and the logic of the
case, and not on the character or motivation of the counsel presenting
arguments. If the losing side can show that the court displayed prejudice,
another court is asked to start over and re-try the case.
Should cities ban lawn
pesticides? Here is how they ought to decide. A city should form two panels.
One is asked to produce the strongest possible case for banning them. The other
is asked to produce the strongest possible case for their use. Then each team
gets to write a rebuttal to the other’s. The final report consists of all four
documents, without a summary.
Does this sound strange? Two
teams? Handpicked so they hold foregone conclusions? Sure. Let them be as
biased as they like. Let them self-select their members and tilt together into
their preferred position. In the end their reports will be set side by side. If
they are evenly matched, so be it. That is the honest message of the science.
And any process that fails to convey it is perpetrating a fraud on the public.
In the case of climate change,
the day is far spent and it may take a generational change to rehabilitate this
field of study. But if we were starting from scratch, we would begin by
recognizing that there are opposing views, and it is not obvious from the
outset which is correct on any particular question. We would form two groups with
equal funding and adequate membership in each. One group would be called Heads
and the other group Tails. The job of the Heads group would be to produce a
report making as strong a case as possible that human activity is causing a
significant climate change that will have harmful consequences. The Tails group
would have the job of making as strong a case as possible to the contrary.
Since we would have done away
with the artificial labels of “mainstream” and “marginal,” a wider range of
participants would have come forward, especially on what today is maligned as
the “skeptical” side.
Each group would be asked to
produce, say, a 200-page report, as well as a 50-page rebuttal to the other
group. The complete 500-page document would be released without a summary, but
with an index. It would be submitted to the world’s governments without either
panel being asked to render a decision on which team’s report is stronger.
Each government then would have
to decide for itself. They could, if they like, consult internal and external
experts for their opinions. But even if one government made the mistake of
setting up a national Official Science group to render a verdict and write a
summary, it would not bind on any other country.
We can imagine the protests that
supporters of the IPCC would raise against this sort of approach. “It would
lead to confusion. The Report would not render a bottom-line decision. Everyone
will conclude what they want from it.”
Oh really? Does the IPCC fear
that the Heads and Tails reports would be so evenly matched that it would not
be obvious which is the stronger case? That would seem to be an admission that
the position espoused in recent years by the UN Panel is not nearly as
conclusive as they have been claiming. But if they do think it will be obvious
which is the stronger report, then what’s the problem? If the Heads group
really have such a strong case, putting it alongside the Tails case will only
sharpen the contrast, especially since the Heads group get to produce a rebuttal.
Or maybe the IPCC has been
assuming all this time that people don’t actually read and understand the
reports, instead they just look through the executive summary for an
authoritative decree, rendered ex cathedra by the climate pontificate.
Certainly some politicians talk this way. If that’s the case then a heads-tails
model will only seem like a platform for heresy. The alternative is,
admittedly, rather comforting. A solemn pronouncement of infallible doctrine
arrives from the Papal see on finest parchment, sealed with red wax. But if you
are up on your ecclesiological jargon, you will know that such a document is
called a “bull”, so be careful about carrying the analogy over to the Summary
for Policy Makers.
In any case if the purpose is to
increase the scientific understanding on which policy is based a Heads- Tails
model can only help. On scientific matters such as global warming the political
sophistication now far exceeds the scientific understanding. We cannot cope
wisely with complex technical issues while this is so. People have hoped that
we can get by on authoritarian pronouncements from Official Science, or
executive summaries from anonymous government committees. Others hope that we
can just have a show of hands, or pass around petitions. But these are not
issues that can be resolved by counting heads, as a substitute for people
thinking with their own heads. The inordinate and aggressive claims of
certainty about global warming stand in such wild and obvious contrast with the
reality of the scientific base, it is hard not to conclude that there is a
serious problem in the relationship between science and the policy process.
This is bad for science and perilous for society. Taken By Storm is an
invitation to begin the serious effort to repair this relationship.
Thank you.
For more information about Taken
By Storm see www.takenbystorm.info
==============================